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THE 



IDEA OF GAT^FlELn 



TIMOLEOlSr. 



C n I C A G : 

JANSEN, McCLUUG, & COMPANY. 

1882. 



THE 



IDEA OF GARFIELD, 



timoleo:n". 



CHICAGO: 
JANSEN, McCLUKG, & COMPANV 
1882. 



1 



f iPYIUGlIT, 

jANf^EN, M(Ci.rEf;, & Company, 
A. D. 1-82. 



SIIRfOTVPCO AND PRINTCO 
6V 
IHI CMICAOC LtOAL News CO. 



INTlU")i:)rCTORY NOTE 



The writer of these pages in common, as he believes, 
with a large number of American citizens, was thrown by 
the assassination of President Garfield from a state of high 
anticipation for the ruture of the country, into a state of 
iloubt and foreboding. Tlie moral sense of the nation had 
gained in the nomination and election of Garfield a notable 
victory over the less worthy elements in politics. We had 
confidence in his uprightness, in his patriotism, in his expe- 
rience and in his ability to find, in the end, the most advan- 
tageous solutions of the vexed questions of administration. 
AVe knew him patient in hearing all, diligent in learning 
all, conscientious in judging all, and successful in main- 
taining and sustaining his conclusions and convictions. 
We believed that an era of pure methods and noble motives 
had dawned with his inauguration. We saw, in expecta- 
tion, the finances of the nation established on a sound and 
stable basis, the details of administration purged of job- 
bery and corruption, the civil service reformed, the political 
machine reduced to its proper place, and the oligarchical 
bosses of the machine deprived of their obnoxious power. 
We looked to see statesmanship in legislation encourao-ed, 
and all the influences of government given to harmonize 
the various material interests of the people, on the basis of 
the most enduring prosperity. We anticipated monopolies 
properly controlled, industry encouraged, commerce pro- 
moted. We felt that confidence in our own strength, which 

(3) 



4 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 

moral confidence in our leader alone can give. It seemed 
as if the nation were prepared to make the grandest and 
surest strides ever witnessed in history, toward permanent 
prosperity and the right practices of popular government. 
All this bright confidence was shattered by the bullet which 
killed our chief. Since then our expressions of sorrow at 
the loss of our President have been mingled with the 
mournings of all the world, but concerning the future of 
our country we have been dumb. The difficulty of collect- 
ing our scattered hopes has been too great, the eifort to 
bring them into coherent form too painful, and the success 
which attends such efforts too unsatisfactory. We sit like 
men whose fortunes have disappeared in a fire or a cata- 
clysm, grim, silent and thoughtful. It is natural to hope, 
and so we hope, even against hope, that the spirit of patriot- 
ism which was exemplified in Garfield, as opposed to the oli- 
garchical spirit which is so largely dominant to-day, may 
prevail with his successor. 

It is mainly as a relief to his gloomy thoughts, that the 
writer has analyzed his reasons for despondency, and find- 
ing them taking form as in the following pages, he offers 
them to his fellow countrymen, to see if they are not con- 
firmed and responded to by kindred thoughts in other minds. 



THE IDEA OF GAEFIELD. 



Professor Fraxots Likdeu lias sliown in liis " P(>litieal 
Ethics," that one of three pro))ositions must be true. 

1. "Eitlier the State anil all the institutions and 
laws which have eniinated from it, exist for the satis- 
faction of an ambitious and interested or privileged few/' 

2. " Or politics is the eftect of mere chance." 

3. "Or the State is an institution for a distinct 
moral end." 

[What Lieber meant by a moral end for a nation's ex- 
istence, differs from a moral end for an individual life. 
It can be better expressed as an end of continuous an<l 
permanent well-beinf^. Higlit and wron» in politics are 
to be determined by this test: is the continuous well- 
being of the nation thereby promoted? and the well- 
being of the State consists, as we understand it, in pro- 
tecting the free action of every individual, so far as not 
infringing on the right to free action of all individuals.] 

Every man who takes part in the aftairs of govern- 
ment must be controlled in his decisions and actions by 
one of the above three theories. It is not necessary to 
suppose that one man will always consistently act upon 
one theory. The same man may vacillate from one to 
another. He may be, at one time, an aristocrat, seeking 



6 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

to use the ijovernnient for the o;ain or selfish advancement 
of himself, his family, or his clique; at another, a mere 
gamester, playing his suffrage or influence as a card, in a 
game which luck controls; and at another a patriot, with 
lofty aim and disinterested purpose, looking only to the 
general welfare of his country and his fellow men. It 
is not often, perhaps, that any one, even in a life-time, 
assumes all the phases of political motives; but all men 
change somewhat, and it is not beyond hope that a dem- 
agogue may become a patriot, and history affords in- 
stances of patriots who have been corrupted by the 
temptations of power. 

In a government by popular majority, it is also possible 
that now one theory of government and now another, 
may prevail. !No matter what may be the form of con- 
stitution, if tlie majority of the citizens believe that a 
privileged few should enjoy the advantages of power, 
the government will be an oligarchy. 

(It might be called an aristocracy by the rulers them- 
selves, but unless others are prepared to admit that the 
rulers are better than the ruled, it should be called merely 
an oligarchy.) 

If the majority are venal and careless, blind chance 
will rule. But if the greater number are controlled by 
strong moral convictions, the government will move in 
accordance therewith. 

I think that a careful observer will be able to trace in 
the course of our government, the influence of these 
three motives. There have been many periods when 
oligarchical tendencies dominated local and national af- 
fairs. The Southern States, and frequently the National 
Government, before the war, were governed in the inter- 



Tin-: IDEA OF CAUFUJ.h. 7 

est (if tiio pi'ivile^i'd i'cw. Tlie disposition since the war, 
to idolize and exult certain men. without regiird to their 
oj)inions, is also a manifestation of this motive. The 
chance theory is more particularly exhibited in the 
:i,'overnment of larije cities, wheie the corruptible and 
vicious classes more easily <j;et control. But the mcjral 
theory occasionally becomes paramount in seasons of 
great political activity, and for the time carries all be- 
fore it in city and state and nation. 

The words which most accurately designate those who 
are under the influence of these three several theories, 
are, I think, as loUows: 

1. Oligakcus. 

2. Froi,ktaiui:s. 
8. Patriots. 

But one cannot classify his fellow citizens safely under 
these heads, according to their professions. There are 
few politicians, or even citizens, who are willing to con- 
fess that it is their opinion, that this government should be 
administered for the beneiit of the few: and every villain 
who sells his vote to the highest bidder is loud in profes- 
sing his attachment to noble principles. It is only by their 
doings that men can be judged and arranged in our 
three classes. 

They are surely oligarchs in feeling, whose work is 
directed to the .idniinistration of the affairs of localitie>. 
of the states and of the natiori for the beneiit of a few. 
no matter what their professions may be; and they are 
as surely mere devotees of fortune, who sell their influ- 
ence or their suffrages for money or for offices, no matter 
what noble principles they advocate. 

The politicians who preach the benefit of caucus rule. 



S THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

and the paramount duty of sustaining the party, right 
or wrong, would undoubtedly scorn the imputation that 
thej'^ are oligarchs; hut their practice tends directly to 
that end. Principles are secondary with them. They 
justify any breach of political morals on the part of their 
partisans. With them efficient party service condones 
crime; bribery is excusable, and even a matter of con- 
gratulation, if it succeeds in canning an election. The 
greatest rogue is a ])roper candidate and a suitable office 
liolder if he has a sufficient control over voters. 

Professions, however loftv, cannot be weij^hed asfainst 
such practices. These are the practices of demagogues 
whose sole aim is to establish their own power. Their 
chief object is to establish the rule of the privileged few. 



It should never be forgotten that this government is 
based upon a moral principle,— that is,upon the well-being 
of all the governed. The founders of tlie government be- 
lieved that the true end of government would be attained 
by the common sense of the majority. It is a govern- 
ment of the people, for the people, and by the people, in 
theory. The mass of the voters still believe this. And 
until this theory is destroyed, the efforts of the privileged 
few to turn the government to their own benefit, cannot 
succeed if properly understood. 

The popular movement which nominated and elected 
Garfield was the assertion of this theory, and there is 
danger that the moral force of his election will be lost 



Till-: I in: A <if aMU'iF.Ln. (» 

and forgotten in tlio sudden transformation of political 
interests vvhicli lias followed his death. 

Garfield represented the ideal in politics. His nomin- 
ation and election were due to inlluenccs which were 
partly anti-machine, but more extra-machine. 

It is no part of my present plan to trace the growth of 
his popularity. This would be an interesting tiarrative, 
and some daj^ may be fitly told. His nomination for the 
presidency was no haj)-hazard event. It is true it was 
not pre])ared for by organized political work, but it was 
produced by a surer and more dignified development. It 
was the logical consequence of his character and career. 
The conviction that he wasa ])rt)per candidate for the 
presidency had taken form in tlie minds of men in all 
parts of the country some time before the Chicago Con- 
vention. It was the recognition of this con\'iction, 
whicli though unorganized was yet decided and powerful, 
that logically forced his nomination. 

The writer of these ]iages had occasion to observe this 
pojuilar sentiment some eighteen months before the 
mectingof thisconvention,and in the winter of 1879, in a 
personal letter to General Garfield, mentioned In's obser- 
vations. General Garfield's reply was so characteristic 
and so noble, so worthy of his great fame, and also so 
unusual in these days of self-candidacy, that it should 
be made public, as an example of the right spirit in 
public men. 

Under date of Feb'y 21, 1870, General Garfield wrote: 

"I am certainly not indifferent to the good opinon of 
my fellow citizens. It is gratifying to know that 
thoughtful men, in any part of the country, look upon 
me as worthy to occupy the ]wsition of chief magistrate 



10 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

— especially to know that such thoughts are entertained 
by men not inunediately concerned in the inanat,^enient 
of party machinery. A <^ood many letters of similai' 
import to yours have come to me within the last three 
months. It would be deemed affectation to pretend in- 
ditierence to such considerations, but I have seen so 
many illustrations of the unhappiness and the destruc- 
tion of usefulness, which have followed the Presidential 
fever, that I am determined it shall never attack me so 
as to disturb my peace, and destroy what beneficial ser- 
vice I may be able to render. 

" Not more than_five men now 11 ving can hold the Pres- 
idency, before I shall be too old for that place. To 
assume that out of the six millions of American voters 
I shall be one of these five, and to lay any plans or make 
any eflforts based upon such an assumption, seems to me 
too remote and too visionary to be worth incurring the 
danirer which seems to attend all who indulge in that 
dream. I think it wiser to do whatever duty comes to 
my hand, holding my soul free to utter itself in accord- 
ance to the truth as it shall appear. And if, in pursu- 
ance of such a course, the Presidency should happen to 
come, it would be all the more complimentary than 
though I had sought it. If on the other hand, as is 
most ])robable, it will never come, I shall not have pre- 
pared myself for the pangs of disappointment which so 
many have suffered. It does not seem to me that my 
self-poise would be upset were I discussed by the public 
in connection with that ofKce, and yet no man is per- 
fectly sure of himself in advance, and I would rather be 
master of my own soul than hold any office, however 
iii.'h." 



THE IDEA OF (iAh-rihJJ). II 

It will be 60011 by tliose, liis words, that Gai-fii.-l.l ua-. 
animated by political ambition. Probably as strongly 
as any man in public life he felt the lon<^Mng fur posi- 
tion and fame. But in his case ambition never over- 
topped conscience and patriotism. It never niastere<l 
his reason. It never induced him to yield his opinion 
to expediency. 

Possessing such qualities and restraiuing his actions by 
such rules, the nomination would probably have nevor 
come to him, if politicians had alone had thearrangiii:,^<»f 
it. To those who find political success in what are calloil 
" practical " methods, Garfield's character and career 
made him not only an unavailable but an obnoxious 
candidate. He was in fact the favored candidate of 
only the amateurs in politics — the iTiexpert, who attach 
more importance to framing a good platform tliau j»ro- 
viding a large campaign fund. 

Garfield was one of the few (.Congressmen whose seats 
were not procured by the use of j^olitical patronage. lie 
did not use post oflices to reward his personal adherents. 
He did not besiege the departments to obtain clerksliips 
or consulates for his workers. 

His attitude in the business of patronage brokerage, 
wliich every Congressman has of late years been com- 
])elled to engage in, was as nearly correct as is possi- 
ble amidst the incorrect practices which prevail. His 
condemnations of the common evils of our civil service 
are well known. No one has been clearer or more for- 
cible than he in pointing them out. His practice was 
consistent with his words. 

The writer had from Garfield's own lips a most in- 
teresting account of his first reasoning on this subject. 



12 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

when he found himself called upon, as a Congressman, 
to make recommendations fur offices. Tliis happened 
when he first took his seat in the House of Representa- 
tives — a young man, and when rival delegations of old 
citizens waited upon him, to present for his decision the 
rival claims of two candidates for a postmastership in 
his district. He was struck with the falseness of the 
position in which they assumed to place him. They 
treated him as if the office were in his gift, and as if he 
would give it to the candidate who could be proved his 
most faithful adherent. This was all wrong. He was 
abashed and perplexed; but on reflection he was able to 
hit upon a proper course, and one which he ever after- 
wards followed. He said to his venerable constituents : 

''This is not ray office, to bestow on the candidate 
most friendly to me. In common with all of yon, I am 
interested in having good men in office, and I will co- 
operate with all of 3'ou in securing the appointment of 
the men who are best fitted to perform the duties of the 
offices. But I cannot take the responsibility of deciding 
who are the best men. You must do that. You may 
arrive at the decision in any way you please, and when 
you have made your decision, I will, if you wish it, be 
3'our errand boy and carry your recommendation to the 
department. If you cannot reach a decision among 
yourselves by common consent, you can do so by a pop- 
ular election; but of this I am confident, that it is not a 
part of my duties a8 a Congressman, to make this ap- 
))ointment according to my personal preferences, or to 
do more than act as your messenger and represent your 
desires to the appointing power." 

J\v this happy solution of the patronage question, 



Tin-: I in: A of gmuieli). 13 

General Garlield relieved himself of a vast annoyance 
throughout his congressional life, and satisfied his con- 
stituents. But such conduct was far from commending 
itself to his brother politicians in Congress. lie had 
few, if any, imitators. 

For another reason he could not be the politician's 
favorite candidate. lie had no facility or reiMitation in 
ordinary political work. 

While he had acquired great shrewdness in the higher 
arts of politics, he had cultivated none of the practical 
artsof running the party machine, or of gaining personal 
popularity. In giving expression to an in)portant 
question, in sha])ing the course of a debate, in seeing 
the correct principle in a controversy, and standing 
for it in spite of the warnings of friends and the assaults 
of enemies, he had few, if any, equals in these times. But 
he knew nothing of the details of electioneering work. 
He never ran a primary meeting. lie had no henchmen 
in training for future nominations. lie controlled no 
campaign fund. Moreover, he was not even an expert 
in the art of making political workers his personal friends. 
He frequently failed to remember the names of those who 
were mere politicians. While his great power in debate 
made him the leader of his party in the House of Rep- 
resentatives, he needed to be supplemented by some one 
more acute than he in learning the personal ]ieculiarities 
and relative importance of the different members. His 
great good nature kept him from giving offense to those 
whom he failed to flatter by an intimate knowledge of 
their individualities. He was hated by no one, but the 
astute leaders who took pride in calling each man in their 
several districts by name, who had an accurate estimate 



U THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

of the influence whicli each local politician was able to 
exert, who thought it the highest statesmanship to secure 
the best offices for their followers, always seem to enter- 
tain a mikl contempt for his political ability. 

Again, Garfield was personally not very well known 
in the different parts of the country, three or four years 
ago. His friends were numerous, but were generally 
not successful politicians. They were scholars, authors, 
teacliers, men whom he liked for themselves, his old 
comrades in the war, or in college, or in the Christian 
Church. 

There were some parts of the country where he was 
asked frequently to make campaign speeches, in New 
England and in Ohio chiefly. But in places where 
the machine was well organized, he was seldom in- 
vited. He was unknown to New York or Pennsjdva- 
nia audiences. His voice had scarcely been heard in 
Illinois or the Northwest. 

His acquaintance among leading financiers and busi- 
ness men, was very limited. Notwithstanding his bril- 
liant services as the champion of an honest dollar, and of 
specie resumption, the bankers and merchants of New 
York and other large cities, had failed to make his per- 
sonal acquaintance, or to express in any decided way any 
recognition of these services. The greatest work of Gar- 
field's career will be hereafter reckoned his strong and in- 
telligent finance speeches, made when the inflation craze 
was sweeping the country, and when politicians of both 
]>artics were eager to adopt an irredeemable currency. 
During this trying time his voice never uttered a false 
note, but sounded above the shameful clamor in Con- 
gress, keeping constantly at the nation^s ear the full pitch 
of honor and honesty. 



THE IDEA or (IMHIEI.D. l.', 

Next to Secretary SlioniKiii, and pcrhajis cijually with 
liim, for in tlicir respective essential positions both were 
superlatively wise anl ])atriotic, GarKeld is entitled U^ 
the nation's gratitude tor our comtnercial prosperity 
and unexampled credit. And yet three years agro, after 
all this service had been rendered, General Garfield 
miirht have walked the whole length of Broadway with- 
out being recognized or named by the passing crowd. 
His portrait, now so well known in every CDrncrof the 
land, would then have been unfamiliar to the great ma- 
jority of the American ])eople. 

I remember hearing of his sitting during a whole even- 
ing, about three years since, in the public hall of the 
Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York, and seeing but one 
acquaintance among the politicians and men of business 
who there congregate. 

But it was in the opinions of the quiet and thought- 
ful patriots that Garfield's strength existed. 01)scure, 
industrious and thoughtful men in all parts of the land 
had caught the ring of his words in congressional speeches 
and cherished them in their hearts. It was wonderful 
that this admiration should have become so powerful, 
when the knowledge of his personality was so slight. It 
seems to have been a ma:;netic patriotism in him which 
led patriotic instincts from all sides to point towards 
him — these patriotic instincts which professional jioli- 
ticiaiis cannot comprehend or attract. 

For all these considerations, General Garfield would 
never have received from the mere machine politicians 
the nomination to the presidency, and when that nomi- 
nation did come to him, the expressions of rage and dis- 
<rust from this class on the floor of the convention, wcrr 



10 THE IDEA OF GAUFIELD. 

not suppressed. Yet these same politicians were able to 
be first in coni^ratnlatingliim, and first in claiming favors 
at his liands, as thej are now equally eager to demand 
favors of his successor. 

Garfield represented that element of the American 
people who believe in the verity of patriotic, religious 
and nol)le sentiments, and who believe that these senti- 
ments are the proper guides of individual and national 
life. This element is opposed by those who believe 
only in their own selfish material prosperity — the oli- 
garchs and the proletaires. 



The oligarchical element is characterized by opinions 
and actions which plainly tend to concentrate power in 
the hands of a comparative few. It must be clannish 
and intensely partisan. It must place fidelity to party 
above fidelity to the nation. It must be intolerant, and 
where the party is greater than it and the proletaires 
which it controls, it must despise and denounce all with- 
in the party who do not acknowledge the wisdom and 
correctness of its aims. It will probably be less careful 
to maintain the laws established for the government of 
all, than to secure to itself the interpretation and execu- 
tion of the laws. It will probably violate the law if it 
can thereby secure power. It will favor those methods 
of appointment to office of which it can most readily se- 
cure control, without regard to their influence upon the 
general welfare. It will approve those practices in offi- 



riiK IDEA or (; Aim F.I.IK 17 

cial positions wliicli will secure to it the most direct ari<l 
complete mastery of the otlices, without re<^;u\l to there- 
suit of these practices upon the public service. 

These theories and mctlKxls will niai-k those who 
aim to liave the ij^overnment administered in the inter- 
est of the few; and on the contrary to those wdio wish 
a i^overiiment for the ij^eneral good, tliese opinions and 
actions will be untenable and obnoxious. 

Garfield described these evils in our civil service in 
words which leave no doubt of his disapproval: 

"Civil office has become a vast corruptinfj power to 
bo used in runnini!j the machine of party politics. 
Every man of the 102,000 (office-holders) feels tliat his 
only hope of staj'in*^ is in toadying to those in power, so 
that the offices are an immense bribe, securing to tlie 
))arty in power an army of retainers who are the most 
servile of their sort in the world." 

The most conspicuous representatives of the oligarchi- 
cal element in our politics to-day are the so-called stalwarts 
of the Republican party. To this element the whole tenor 
and effect of Garfield's life is directly opposed. With this 
element he never sympathized, and it was manifest from 
the time of his inauguration that with this element he 
could never cordially agree. He never could please them 
for he never could bring himself to conduct his adminis- 
tration in the spirit which they approved. They were 
solely hent on securing dominant position for themselves. 
The welfare of the particular sections, or even of the 
whole country, was nothing to them. With a shrewdness 
and persistency characteristic of narrow-minded oli- 
o-archs, they demanded the most important offices. They 
didn't waste time or force in seeking places of mere honor 
2 



IS THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

or of large recompense. They asked only for positions 
of power, and these they insisted should be given them 
as tlieir right. The dogged and yet hanglity manner in 
which they pressed their claims finds no parallel in onr 
history. For the time, they caused questions of public 
policy to be ignored, and the general attention was con- 
centrated upon the endeavor of the stalwarts to bully 
the President into compliance witli their demands. The 
good-natured but large-minded President strove with a 
patience and sincerit}^ which, it is safe to say, no great 
ruler ever before exhibited, to mollify their proud spirits. 
He was incapable of wholly yielding to them, and their 
nature and objects could not be satisfied with less. 
There was no alternative; the oligarchical spirit went 
down before the moral force of a great mind, and was in 
a fair way of suffering permanent discomfiture, when it 
broke out in a new form, and Guiteau's bullet accom- 
plished what Conkling's imperiousness had failed to secure 
— the establishment of the stalwart oligarchs in power. 

It is not my intention to charge the stalwarts with 
conniving in or rejoicing at the murder of the President. 
That is a charge which none but a partisan will care to 
make. But I think that history will hold the spirit of 
stalwartism responsible for this crime, and this respon- 
sibility will be held to be greater if, as now seems prob- 
able, stalwartism shows no remorse or repentance, but 
takes advantage of the nation's misfortune to seize all 
the agencies of government. 

The murder was perpetrated in the name of tlie stal- 
warts, by a man who counted upon stalwart gratitude to 
rescue him from the penalty of his crime. He knew 
that the spirit of the stalwarts led them to stand by and 



THE IDEA OE a.ih'EI ELI). ]',» 

protect cacli otlicr n«;.iin.st accusations of criino. He lia<l 
seen this lately in the case of the star-roiito thicvet*. 
He had heard stalwarts say that the star- route contrac- 
tors had spent a jvirt of their dishonest jj^ains in oontri- 
Imtions to Eepublican campaign funds, and tliat it wonhl 
he base ingratitude in a Republican President to punish 
them for the stealing. And on the same reasoning, if lie 
by a crime threw the whole coveted ])Ower of govern- 
ment into tlie hands of the stalwarts, if at the darkest 
liourof their defeat, he by a single overt act gave them 
victory and success, would it not be the blackest ingrati- 
tude in a stalwart administration to let him be led tothe 
gallows? 

I am far from cliar2:in2: or insinuatinor that all those 
who cherish and act upon oligarchical theories of gov- 
ernment, are bad men. While I maintain that their in- 
fluence upon our politics to-day, is dangerous and cor- 
rupting, I am ready to concede to the oligarchs many 
admirable qualities, to which the country is to a large 
extent indebted for its material prosperity. The com- 
bination of pluck, persistency, and the organizing faculty 
is very apt to produce in its possessor the oligarchical 
disposition, provided it is not counterbalanced by a 
large-minded confidence in mankind. It is better that 
a man should be an oligarch than a proletaire, and many 
men who believe in the moral theory of governinent, are 
of less use to the world than our shrewd and capable po- 
litical oligarchs. There is something attractive to the 
man of successful force of character in running the po- 
litical machine. The desire of power is natural in such 
men, and it is easy to confound the power itself with the 
object for which the power was created— good govern- 



20 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

ineiit. The desire to make good laws or to administer 
the hiws well, is overcome hy the desire for position and 
authority, A. great many of the men whom history 
idolizes, made this mistake, and the pleasure which we 
have in contemplating heroic endeavor, leads us to con- 
done the error. 

The temptation to applaud the masterful "ways of 
our own oligarchs, even now is strong. But when we 
think of the matter calmly, we, the governed, find 
that we prefer a good government to strong-headed 
rulers. The most commonplace legislator who is 
careful of our interests, and the most uninteresting 
judge who is just in his interpretation of the law, are 
better for us than the most brilliant partisans. We are 
more contented and prosperous under the administration 
of a dull but conscientious executive, than under one 
whose deep-laid schemes for controlling conventions, and 
whose shrewd and widely-extended plans for controlling 
votes, have commanded our admiration. 

The late Zach. Chandler is as good an example as we 
can think of, of our oligarchs in politics. The stories told 
of his doings have often excited our enthusiasm. His 
bold, rough, outspoken way, his confidence in himself, 
his thorough earnestness and' devotion to the political 
work, his unconcealed contempt for all theorists, his prac- 
tical partisan zeal, which knew no doubt and halted at no 
obstacle, — all these are intensely interesting. General 
Garfield said of him: " More than any man I ever knew, 
Zachariah Chandler went through life with his mind 
made up." 

He would have made an admirable chief of the Edui or 
of the Ilelvetii, and would have given C 'aisar a great deal 



THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. *21 

of trouble. But lio never compreliended tliat a popular 
i:;overnnient is for the people. Ilis last days were embit- 
tered by the neglect of President Hayes to recognize 
and reward his services as Chairman i>f the National 
Republican Committee at the critical election in 1870. 
Old Zach undoubtedly secured the election of Hayes at 
that time by his vigorous measures. A patriot would 
have been satisfied with the result, but the true oligarch 
clamored for more power. 

Hepublics are rightfully ungrateful in this sense; and 
the sooner this maxim is made a part of our political 
creed the better. Political work entitles no man to the 
reward of office. They are oligarchical governments 
which give such rewards. 

A quotation from one of Garfield's speeches shows his 
opinion: 

"The best and noblest reforms and revolutions in the 
public sentiment of this country, have been achieved by 
the people, with patronage, power and the spoils of of- 
fice against them, and where not one in a hundred of the 
successful, expected any other reward than the triumph 
of the principle they advocated. In such conflicts our 
noblest conquests have been achieved." 



22 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

Proletaire is not a democratic word, and there should 
be no proletarian class in a democratic republic. The 
ori^^inal application of the word in ancient Rome, was 
to those who contributed nothing but children to the 
public wealth, but it came to mean those who were vile 
and low, improvident and not self-sustaining, disgrace- 
ful burdens upon the State and society, without shame 
or disposition to improve. So in its derived meaning it 
answers well to designate those anomalous citizens, 
whose political privileges are purchasable, who look 
upon the government as the effect of mere chance, and 
who see nothing more than the power to procure a din- 
ner, or the meaus of a debauch in the right of suffrage. 

From this lowest depth of citizenship the proletarian 
spirits spreads upwards and controls and characterizes 
all those who bring their political privileges to market. 
The employee of government, he who serves the State in 
an oflScial capacity, is entitled to fair compensation for 
his labor, as if the service were rendered to a private in- 
dividual or corporation. But he who i-enders political 
service in the interests of his party, degrades his citizen- 
ship, by asking or accepting compensation. 

This distinction is clearly made in conscience and in 
reason, but I fear is not clearly drawn in practice. 
Many a man has accepted recompense for his political 
work, because others seemed to regard it as proper; but 
no man, I maintain, who has the spark of a freeman's 
spirit, has ever done so without humiliation. 

The wages of labor are received with a sense of dignity 
and satisfaction, but the wages of political work, when 
any part of the service rendered is a yielding of one's 
opinion or independence, is felt to be the wages of shame. 



THE IDEA OF l!Al!lU:i.l>. 2;] 

Sucli ]-iayineiits ;ire niadu in secret; tliev uiv iiiircc'ei|)ti'il 
tor and iiiiackiii)\vletlL:;e<.l. 

Tlie citizen does nut rise altove the pruletaire, uur is 
the bar^^ain less shameful when political inlliiencu is 
bought by appointment to cilice. In transactions of tiiis 
kind there is a broad well-beaten road by which the pro- 
letaire goes up and becomes an t>ligarch. The machine 
in politics is organized to kee]> this road open. Espe- 
cially is this tiie case in large cities. It is eas\' lor a suc- 
cessful proletaire to develop into a demagogue, and 
a demagogue, when he has firmly established himself, be- 
comes an oliirarch. 



It may seem that I am using the word patriot in a too 
restricted sense in designating by it only those who 
believe, that our government should be tlirected solely 
to the best interest of all the governed. But I contend 
that a patriot must love not only his land, but its form 
of government. We would hardly call him a patriot, 
who wished to establish here a momirchical form ofgi>v- 
ernment. I think also it will hardly be denied that 
our form of government being organized to promote the 
general welfare, and to secure the blessings of liberty to 
our fathers and their posterity, is perverted if turneil to 
the advantage of a few. It is then jiroper, as far as this 
country and its citizens are concerned, to confine the 
word patriot to those who believe strictly in the 
government as originally designed by its founds::-. 



21 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

Any citizen who would change the laws or the admin- 
istration, so that the welfare of the whole people shall 
no longer be its chief end, is not entitled to this name. 

It is even not enough that the general welfare should 
be kept in view. An oligarchy or a monarchy, it might 
be claimed by its supporters, best promotes the general 
welfare. The general welfare must be sought through 
the general exercise of equal civil rights. The sovereign- 
ty of the people must be acknowledged and defended. 
; A partisan then in excess of zeal, for the mere tri- 
umph of his party, may cease to be a patriot, and so 
may the advocate of sectional interests, or the champion 
of a monopoly. The man who sells his vote is certainly 
not a patriot, nor is he who carries to excess personal de- 
votion to a popular hero. He who endeavors to con- 
struct a political machinery outside of law, to nullify the 
political privileges of citizens whom he cannot control, 
is not a patriot. 

lie only is entitled to be called an American patriot 
who is careful to exercise his own political rights with- 
out influence of personal reward, and equally careful 
not to take away or infringe the same rights of others. 
Every man ma}' vote in this country because our govern- 
ment is based upon the theory that thus the general wel- 
fare can be best secured, not because there never has been 
a party able to curtail or qualify this right. 

I am aware that the most probable objection against 
the use which I make of the word patriot will come 
from those who have been in the habit of confounding the 
taking an interest in aftairs of government with being 
patriotic. Men who give attention to public matters are 
often influenced by sundry unpatriotic motives. Men 



TIIK IDEA OF (JARFIKLD. 2r» 

ma}' be candidates for office, may make fervid eampni^Mi 
speeches, may fii;lit in tlie raidcs or may lead the armies 
of the Republic, witliout having felt one spark of j.a- 
triotic sjiirit 

Men may spend their best efforts and their lives in 
the public service, and yet be solely bent on servini,' 
themselves. The test of patriotism is in sacrificinij self- 
interest to the interest of one's country. The educated 
soldier \vill do the duty he has been trained to and fi<;ht 
in the cause for which he has enlisted, without roi;ard 
to the principle involved. But only patriotic feL'lin:; 
can nerve green troops to face the "unaccustomed terrors 
of hostile guns. Garfield, the college professor, leading 
his men against Humphrey Marshall's intrenchments, 
and sustaining his soul for the ordeal by muttering 

" For how can man die better 

Than facing fearful odds 

For the ashes of his fathers 

And the temples of his gods?" 

is a fine example of pure patriotism. The same spirit 
sustained him afterwards when he alone of all the AVest- 
ern Eepresentatives voted against the Silver bill, and 
thereby seemed to his advisers to be sacrificing his pop- 
ularity and his brilliaiit career. 

The professioiuvl politician is far from patriotism when 
he follows his party for the sake of his own success. 

Patriotism may be shown in breakin;^ p-'U'ty ties, and 
throwing away chances of individual advancement, when 
party triumph would be national misfortune, or i>arty 
methods are corrupting national life. The true patriots 
among our people are not necessarily our must promi- 



26 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

nent men. These are more apt to be influenced by con- 
siderations of policy as to their own fortunes, than are 
independent, thoughtful citizens. 

I am aware also that it has been sought to 
stigmatize those whom I have called patriots, as " senti- 
mentalists," and on the other hand to dignify the oli- 
garchs and proletaires, as " practical" politicians. This 
use of words is not justified. Although influenced by 
patriotic sentiments, patriots are not sentimentalists, in 
any authorized sense of the word. Ou the contrary, they 
are the most thoroughly practical of American citizens. 
They are the sincere and industrious people, and their 
sentiments are the practical sentiments by which their 
every-day life is regulated. They learn these sentiments 
in the common schools, on the farms, and in the shops 
and factories. The patriots are strongly bound to the 
welfare of their government, by ties of family, of habita- 
tion, and of property. They know that the best way to 
live satisfactorily is to work manfully and honestl}'. 
Thej^ are economical and self-supporting. They attend 
])rincipally to their own aff'airs. 

But when in the intervals of business thev ffo to 
church, or read books or newspapers, or listen to lectures 
or political speeches, their minds promptly present cer- 
tain fundamental principles, by which they judge what- 
ever they see or read or hear. These principles, tiiey 
may not be able to define clearly, but they maloj no mis- 
takes in applying them to facts. 

It is wonderful what the patriots among the American 
])eople can be moved to do, when these silent but never 
slumbering principles are appealed to. One has but to 
remember the electrical effect in the JSTorth of the firinw- 



THE IDEA OF (JAL'F/KLlK L>7 

on Fort Suiupter, The patriotic SLMitiinuiit wliifh had 
remained quiet for years, while politicians played their 
cards shrewdly and inni^ined the -^aine all in their own 
hands, asserted itself in a moment with cominandiii^ 
etiect. The mere politicians were swept aside. The sclf- 
sacriticing sentiment moved ])eo])Ie, and furnished men 
and money to accomplish their will, which was irresistible. 
Gailield was one of those patriots at that time, and lie 
led a regiment of patriots like himself 

It may be a healthful mental exercise for certain poli- 
ticians to recall those times and the difficulty they then 
found in believing the evidence of their senses, and the 
extraordinary agility required in getting themselves in 
the current of the sudden sweeping tide. 

Garfield never lost his consciousness of this great ])at- 
riotic sentiment. He never belittled it by efforts to 
stifle it in caucuses or to control it by machinery. He 
revered it and kept himself in accord with it. He never 
sought to win its favor by fulsome praises, such as are 
too common in political harangues. But his speeches 
are full of solemn allusions which show how deeply he 
appreciated it. 

Take the following 'eloquent passage from his speech 
in the Chicago Convention, nominating Hon. John Sher- 
man: 

"Not here in this brilliant circle, where fifteen thou- 
sand men and women are assembled is the destiny of the 
Republic to be decreed; not here where I see seven hun- 
dred and fifty-six delegates waiting to cast their votes 
into the urn and determine tlie choice of their party, but 
by four millions of Republican firesides where thoughtfu 1 
fathers with wives and children about them, with 



28 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

calm thoughts inspired by love of home and love of 
country, with the history of the past, the hopes of the 
future, and the knowledge of the great men who have 
adorned and blessed our nation in days gone by — there 
God prepares the verdict that shall determine the wis- 
dom of our work to-night. Not in Chicago, in the heat 
of June, but in the sober quiet which comes between now 
and November, in the silence of deliberate judgment 
will this great question be settled." 

It would be easy to fill a volume with extracts from 
liis speeches giving varying forms of this idea. 

At the time of his election to the Presidency his misd 
seemed to be more occupied with the grandeur of the 
thought that millions ot ballots were being cast to indi- 
cate the will of the people than with considerations of 
liis personal interest in the result. 

As a kindred idea, and one which also distinguishes 
patriotism from oligarchism, Garfield frequently spoke 
of the necessity of changes in political offices for the 
jn-eservation of public well-being. His favorite figure 
for this was the sea, as in the followino': 

"There is deep down in the hearts of the American 
people a strong and abiding love of our country and its 
liberties, which no surface storm of passion can ever 
shake. That kind of instability which arises from a 
free movement and interchange of position among the 
members of society, which brings one drop up to glisten 
for a time in the crest of tlie highest wave and then to 
give place to another, while it goes down again to mingle 
with the millions below. On such instability the eter- 
nal fixedness of the universe is based. * * * * * 

So the hope of our national perpetuity' rests upon that 



THE IDEA OF GAUFIIll.h. 20 

perfect imUvidiiiil tVci'duin, which ^hull forever keejt ii|> 
the circuit of perpetual cliauL^e." 

Or this: 

"■There is no liorizmital stratilicatioii of society in this 
countr}' that holds one class down below forever and 
lets another come to the surface to stay there forever. 
Our stratification is like the ocean where every indiviil- 
ual drop is free to move, and where from the sternest 
depths of the mif^hty deep any drop may come up to 
glitter on the lii<3:liest wave that rolls." 

It is the tendency of oligarchism to deny this theory. 
The oligarchs endeavor to make themselves permanent 
in the higher political positions, and in order to do this 
they make the tenure of office insecure in the non-polit- 
ical offices, those in which mere expert or clerical labor 
is required. They would make the holding of the non- 
political positions dependent upon jiersonal allegiance 
to those in political power, and thus create for them- 
selves an army of salaried retainers, paid out of the 
public funds. Exactly the reverse of this was intended 
by the founders of the Government. It was intended 
that non-political positions should be held during good- 
behavior and efficiency without regard to political 
changes. But it was provided that the holding of ])oliti- 
cal offices should be frequently referred to the decision 
of the people at elections, and Washington, the first 
citizen of the republic, expressed in action the truth 
which his late successor Garfield expressed in the fig- 
ures I have quoted, that only in well-ordered instability 
among political factors, can permanent well-l)eing to 
the state be secured. "Washington refused to be a can- 
didate for a third term. Ilis patriotic wisdom in this 



30 The idea of garfield. 

sint^le act can never be too hiorlilv revered and com- 
mended. He probably saved the patriots of the present 
day from the rule of an oligarchy, against which tliey 
might have struggled in vain. 

Still another distinction which maybe drawn between 
patriots and oligarchs, is in tlie different attitudes they as- 
sume concerning candidacy for political office. 

The true oligarcli claims nomination for office as his 
personal right, and treats all other possible candidates 
as his personal enemies. The patriot, on the other hand, 
feels an instinctive diffidence in seeking a nomination, 
nnd recognizes no ground for enmity against others, 
whom some of his fellow citizens seem to prefer. 



It is impossible to exhaust the fund of these thoughts, 
which come to those who mourn the loss of Garfield to 
his country. The vision of what he was qualified to be 
fades before the reality that he is no more. And the 
question, where shall we look for another leader like him, 
remains unanswered. 

His great and noble qualities stand out in unexampled 
magnificence; and it should be the efibrt of all of us, to 
keep them before our public men, as the standard of what 
we require. They should also be clearly presented to 
the minds of the rising generation, as the example of 
what American citizenship may be made. 

IIisti)ry has never known so sad a cutting off. It is 
as if Washington had fallen at White Plains, or Lincoln 



TIIK IDE:[ OF n.lRriKfJ). .>1 

liml ]>oori fissassiiiatcMl liefuro issiiiiii; tlic proclamation of 
emancipation. 

Gartield's trainini:; and lii.s capacities missed tlifir 
njrcatest fnltillnicnt. His (jualifications remain for tlie 
most part imcrystalized in deeds. The nohle mark 
wliich lie mic^ht liave set n))(»n our national liistorr, can 
never be I'ltlly realized, and can l>e evidenced oidv l.v 
the regrets of his countrymen. 

It is chiefly as the possessor of groat qualities that we 
must remember and honor Garfield. The nation and the 
world knew him fairly l)ut a few months. In this brief 
period they had opportunity to observe his grand ciiar- 
acter. They learned something of Ids conscientious 
patriotism, something of his statesman-like reasoning, 
something of his kind but firm temper and manly forti- 
tude; and when the light of publicity was flashed upon 
his simple domestic life, the whole world of faithful hus- 
bands and loving wives, of tender parents and dutiful 
children, were touched, as never before, with reverence 
and affection. 

So it is to a great extent as an idea, not in realized 
works, that Garfield remains with us. It is this idea c»f 
a high-minded patriotic life which we shouM sacredlv 
cherish. "We should defend it from all envious detrac- 
tions and belittling suggestions. And we, the patriotic 
people of these United States, bj- contemplating and fol- 
lowing this idea, will be prepared to overcome the pro- 
letarian influence in politics, and to unmask and defeat 
the designs of political oligarchs. 

Tliei'e is a keen instinct which calls ever}' patriotic; 
American citizen to his duty, in the hour of supreme 
danger. Tiiis instinct works mysteriously. It is foolish- 



32 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

ness and a stunil)lin2: block to many liiglilj intelligent 
men who have not felt it. But it is the leaven of self- 
government which permeates and preserves the nation. 
It has resisted t^a-anny from without and treachery from 
within. It seems to be the last and most intelligent de- 
velopment of the Anglo-Saxon spirit. It is so tolerant 
of differing opinions, that it hardly raises a voice to ex- 
press dissent. It will endure menaces, and even lesser 
wrongs almost without remonstrance. It seems forgiv- 
ing of injuries, forgetful of insults, asleep, even dead. 
But let a deadly blow be aimed at a principle which it 
cherishes as vital, ■ and it is awake in an instant. At 
such times, it speaks with a million tongues but one 
voice; it strikes with a hundred thousand arms but one 
blow. 

Many times in our history has it seemed as if this 
freeman's instinct in the people were grown powerless, 
corrupted by self-interest, or overborne by sectional 
jealousy and distrust. But never yet has it failed to 
manifest itself at the proper time. Still, anxious minds 
often ask if it is not too ranch relied on, if it is 
not possible that it may fail in some great crisis and 
leave the nation to fall into anarchy or despotism. For- 
eign politicians are looking for and prophesying such a 
fate for us. Many capitalists interested in our material 
prosperity are speculating on such a contingency. There 
are even selfish organizations whose efforts are bent to 
bring about such a result. 

The influences which pull our government toward ruin 
are not unknown. They are not phantoms of sentimental 
minds, but are embodiments of powerful human selfish- 
ness. On the one hand are the idle, the dissolute and 



TllF. U)i:.{ OF liAlilllll.h. 33 

the incompetent, pervertiiii; tlie privilei^es of fifcdom, 
and as the pretended champions of hilmr and hnmanity, 
pressini^ on to confisi*ate, possess and enjoy the fruits of 
the hibiM- of the iu(hi.strions, the frugal and the onlurl y. 
And on theother hand are tlie^reat schemers, who would 
or^^anize the forms of production and commerce for 
their own exchisive advantai^e, and make all propc-rty 
and all effort pay perpetual tribute to their trea.suri»'s. 
How shall we escape the wretched chaos of the socialists 
without deliveriui^ ourselves into the hands of thf 
monopolists; and how shall we free ourselves from tiic 
slavery of the monopolists without fallin<j into the slouirh 
of communism? Is our Anglo-Saxon spirit of freedom 
still capable of 

" Turning to scorn with lips divine 
The fulst'hootl of oxtivnu-s " ? 

If disaster comes to us it must come over tla- ruins of 
the noble characters in our history. It must come tramp- 
ling on the memories of Washington and Lincoln and 
Garfield. Before the patriotic instinct can be weakene<l 
and overcome, our admiration for these and other great 
men must be destroyed. Their (jualities nuist be soile<l 
by detraction and dwarfed by innuendoes. We must be 
made ashamed of their achievements, and their grand 
sentiments must find no echo in our hearts. In this di- 
rection may we expect the attack uixtii patriotic instinct 
to be made, and in guarding the reputation of Garfield, 
our latest national hero, lies a part of our patriotic duty. 

Wherever and whenever in our country freemen shall 
rally in time of danger, whether the public enemy is to 
be met at the polls in the form of an oligarchal and pro- 

L .fC. 



34 THE IDEA OF GARFIELD. 

letarian party, or on a more sanguinary battle-field in 
less insidious guise, the name of Garfield will be a watch- 
word to raise patriotic ardor, and the idea of Garfield, 
the well-grounded type of the noblest American citizen, 
will inspire to victory. With this sign, while the repub- 
lic lasts, patriots shall conquer. 



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